The Sinn Fein Rebellion Handbook (Irish Times 1917)
The Administration of Ireland 1920
The American Commission on Conditions in Ireland, Interim and Full Reports
Report of the Labour Commission to Ireland, 1921
The Case for Ireland Re-Stated
Dail Eireann: Minutes of the Proceedings of the First Parliament 1919-1921
These essential resources would normally retail for 90 (incl. VAT).
The Rebellion Handbook was published by the Irish Times in 1917, and is based on articles carried in the Irish Times in May 1916. The handbook provides a fascinating insight into the Easter rising. It is one of the key sources and contains a wealth of information, including an official list of casualties, names of prisoners, photographs and a map showing the key locations in Dublin.
The handbook contains 308 pages of information. It includes:
* facsimiles of documents
* articles from the Irish Times
* photographs of principal rebels and government & security personnel
* a detailed account of the events in Dublin and around the country
* detailed list of buildings destroyed
* official and rebel documents
* names and personal details of 1,306 casualties (including 300 deaths) from army, navy, RIC, DMP, civilians and rebels.
* full account of court martial hearings and execution of 15 rebels
* names, addresses and occupations of over 3,000 rebels arrested and interned.
* a detailed Whos Who of the people of the time.
* full court details of the Casement trial.
and much much more.
It remains one of the most detailed accounts of the rising, and is an essential resource for those studying the people and events of this tumultuous event.
Examples of Pages from the Handbook
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Re-published here is the historical document, The Case for Ireland Re-Stated, To the President of the United States of America. With Explanatory Historical Points, which is both the resolution made at the Mansion House by the Lord Mayor of Dublin and delegates and also the delegation's subsequent address to the President of the United States of America, Woodrow Wilson, made on 18th April 1918.
The forward to The Case for Ireland Re-Stated explains why the Mansion House Conference took place:
In 1918 it was proposed for the first time in the history of Ireland to render natives of the Country liable for enforced Military Service. A Conference of Delegates representative of the majority of Irish Political and Labour Organisations assembled at the Mansion House, Dublin, on Thursday 18th April, and traversed the right of the Government to apply Conscription to Ireland.
The Conference was held after the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Lawrence O'Neill, acted on a resolution posited by the Corporation of the City of Dublin, to resist conscription and according inaugurated and convened the 'Anti-Conscription Committee', whose task it was to devise plans to resist conscription. The Committee consisted of John Dillon, Joseph Devlin, Eamon de Valera, Arthur Griffith, William O'Brien, Timothy Michael Healy, Michael Egan, Thomas Johnson and W. X. O'Brien. On the same evening the Catholic Bishops of Ireland also met and after deliberation with the Anti-Conscription Committee agreed to deliver the 'same statement on conscription', which took the form of a pledge that was to be taken at the door of every parish church on the following Sunday, 21st April. The pledge read as follows:
Denying the right of the British government to enforce compulsory service in this country, we pledge ourselves solemnly to one another to resist conscription by the most effective means at our disposal.
A general strike and massive rallies followed in the wake of the Mansion House Conference and on 11th June the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Lawrence O'Neill, wrote to the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, asking for his support for Ireland against conscription. The Case for Ireland Re-Stated begins with O'Neill's letter to Wilson, which is followed by Historical Points Supplementing The Case for Ireland Re-Stated by Crawford Hartnell. The pamphlet is concluded with the American Declaration of Independence, facsimiles of the signatories to the Declaration and photographs of the nine members of the Anti-Conscription Committee.
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First published in London in 1921 by Philip Allan & Co., this first edition of the Administration of Ireland, 1920, containing 468 printed pages is republished here on fully-searchable CD-Rom.
Written 'anonymously' by I.O., the author of the Administration of Ireland is identified as Major John Charles Street (1884-1964), using the pseudonym 'I.O', which stood for information officer, a post he held at Dublin Castle during the Irish War of Independence when he wrote this account. Beginning his army career as an artillery officer for the British Army, he served as a propagandist for MI7 during World War I, at which time he was promoted to Major. After leaving the army, Street earned his living as a novelist and under the pen names of Miles Burton, Cecil Wayne and John Rhode, through which he published scores of detective novels, many of which were centred around the character Dr. Priestley
As an information officer at Dublin Castle Street was well placed to observe and record the tumultuous events in Ireland during 1920. Inconceivable at the time of writing, Street like many Britons still believed that Britain could keep Ireland within the Empire. Some observers have viewed The Administration of Ireland as an apologia for the Black-and-Tan campaign of 1920 and while there is some truth to this the book is also seen as a coherent statement of British policy in and towards Ireland, written and published at the height of the War of Independence.
Making great use of privileged access to intelligence information at Dublin Castle, The Administration of Ireland is both an historical document in its own right and a great source of material, albeit with a a British slant, on the Irish War of Independence. Starting with an introduction stretching from the Easter Rising to the close of 1919, The Administration of Ireland is perhaps ironically prefaced by a transcript of the Declaration of Independence made at the GPO in Dublin during Easter 1916. The introductory chapters sought to establish the extent and level of Republicanism, both militarily and amongst the civilian population, that were pitted against Britain in 1920.
From the beginning of 1920 through to the end of the year Street utilises all the intelligence information at his disposal describing IRA activity throughout the country and the Government's responses to this, perhaps understandably playing-down the role of the Black-and-Tans. This information includes communiques from IRA Brigade commanders, arrests and trials in district courts of IRA members and a number of case reports of IRA murders throughout Dublin City, and atrocities conducted in the name of independence by both sides. Following chapters include accounts and evidence on the arming and forces of the Republican army, its campaign in Ireland, the role of the police and questions of reprisals.
All-in-all The Administration of Ireland, 1920, is a thorough account of the Irish War of Independence written by a participant and observer of events. Bias aside, The Administration of Ireland verges on a source-book for the events that took place in Ireland in 1920, which led in such a short space of time to Britain's withdrawal from this small but important part of its empire.
Originally printed and published in Dublin in 1921 and republished here on fully-searchable CD-Rom are the Minutes of the Proceedings of the first Dáil, the full title of the official record of these proceedings reads Dail Eireann; Miontuairisc an Chead Dala, 1919-1921: Minutes of Proceedings of the First Parliament of the Republic of Ireland, 1919-1921, Official Record.
This fascinating and extremely valuable historical document, presented in Irish and English and extending to 292 printed pages is an historical record of the initial hopes and aspirations of the founders of the first Dáil. The Minutes of the Proceedings of the first Dáil Éireann or Parliament of the Irish Republic begins with the Opening Session, the first day of which was open to the public and sat on 21st January 1919, the date which now marks the anniversary of Dáil Éireann.
The opening session of the first days proceedings, conducted in Irish, began with a roll call of the members of the First Dail, which reads like a who's who of Irish politicians and others that have gone down in the annals of Irish history, including as it did Arthur Griffith, Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins, Patrick O'Malley, Cathal Brugha, Bulmer Hobson and Sean T. O'Kelly to name but a few. The proceedings of the first session were opened by a reading of a Declaration of Independence, based on that read at the GPO in 1916 and carried forward to 1918. This was read in Irish, French and English in an attempt for recognition from all countries of the world for the establishment of an Irish Republic. This was followed by a statement of the "Democratic Programme" establishing the founding principals of the body.
While it was the first Dáil's intention to conduct all of its proceedings in Irish and reinstitute Irish as the nation's language, it became quickly apparent that this was just one of the idealistic hopes of those creating the new nation. Much to the chagrin of over half of those present for the first session, they had to apologise for not being able to understand the addresses made in Irish and requested in future that debates and minutes would take place and be recorded in both Irish and English. Bilingualism was quickly accepted as a necessary evil and by the sixth session, which sat in private on 27th October 1919, it was accepted that bilingualism even for a new national curriculum would have to be the norm.
It should not be forgotten that the first Dáil was illegal and sat while the Ireland was still under the rule of Westminster politicians and the administration from Dublin Castle. This fact is highlighted in the Minutes of the Proceedings time and again. For example, on 11th March 1921, the penultimate session of the first Dáil, ministers were informed that a bilingual curriculum for primary schools had been developed by the Minister for Irish, Seán Ua Ceallaigh, was unable to comment as he had been arrested a few days previously. The minutes from this session also record that the 'Department of Education' was finding it difficult to establish its curriculum, especially in Irish speaking areas of the country due to the harassment of the 'enemy'.
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Published in 1921 by the English Parliamentary Labour Party, the Report of the Labour Commission to Ireland, although a relatively brief publication of just 124 pages, is a thoroughly fascinating, if sometimes a little biased, account of the War of Independence in Ireland, especially the conduct of the British Army and Auxiliary Forces.
The Labour Commission to Ireland was the result of a motion put before the House of Commons on 25th October 1920 by Arthur Henderson for the Labour Party, which stated:
"That this house regrets the present state of lawlessness in Ireland and the lack of discipline in the armed forces of the Crown, resulting in the death or injury of innocent citizens and the destruction of property; and is of opinion that an independent investigation should at once be instituted into the causes, nature, and extent of reprisals on the part of those whose duty is the maintenance of law and order."
The motion called for a vote to censure the British Government and the actions of its agents in Ireland and requested an independent inquiry. This was declined and as a result the Labour Party decided to set up its own Commission to investigate 'the whole question of reprisals and violence in Ireland'. The current publication is the result of the Commission's findings. Some of the most striking features of the Commissions Report is the level of detail provided by the witnesses interviewed by the Commissioners and the lengths to which the Commission went to detail accounts of violence which in some instances were only days old. A case in question is was the infamous Croke Park massacre where the Commission reconstructed the events of 21st November, while interviewing witnesses on the spot.
The bulk of the Commission's Report is taken-up by five lengthy Appendices, which form the basis of the findings of the Commission. These include the following: Police Documents, which are made up of actual police documents bearing witnesses statements; evidence obtained from witnesses by the Commission on the several special cases reported on, which include Croke Park and other significant incidents of violence; material supplied or obtained relating to the victimisation of Policemen's wives and Barrack Servants - an overlooked subject during the war where violence occurred on both sides - concluding with the Commission's Report to the Labour Party Conference held on 29th December 1920.
The Report is replete with dozens of photographs of material destruction, notably from north Co. Dublin and Co. Cork, which in and of themselves make this a fascinating account of the war. Republished here in digital format the Report on the 1920 Labour Commission to Ireland is a valuable historical document detailing the violence that occurred immediately before Ireland's independence.
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The published Interim Report for the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland is a published account of oral and written testimonies from witnesses in Ireland dating from the end of 1920 and beginning of 1921 and as such detail the events and circumstances in Ireland during the last months of Britain's dominion in Ireland. The evidence collected by Commission was eventually presented to its parent body, the American Committee of One-Hundred on Ireland.
Like later commissions on Northern Ireland, the intention of the America Commission was stated to be the impartial account of the atrocities committed in Ireland by both sides during the War of Independence and it was hoped that by so dealing the situation in Ireland could be better understood and a healing process could begin. However, as the Commission pointed out, the eventual interim report was highly Republican in its eventual tenure. The Commission did not hesitate in pointing out that this was through no fault of its own, as all levels of both sides of the conflict had been requested to take part in the Commission's inquiry. The initial signs from the British Government had been encouraging. However, it quickly became apparent that at best the British Government would benignly not interfere in the process by not disallowing Irish witnesses visas and passports to travel to America to give their testimony. However, as the process of inquiry got under way, witnesses sympathetic to the the cause of Irish independence were denied permission to travel and faced other forms of duress to prevent their testimony.
Despite the British Government's best efforts in preventing the Commission undertaking a thorough inquiry into the political conditions prevailing in Ireland during the War of Independence, its efforts were in vain. Many witnesses were smuggled illegally into America or written testimonies were provided in their stead.
The Commission's published Interim Report provides a fascinating account from eyewitnesses and combatants alike into some of the more notorious events of the War of Independence. These included the killing of civilians, such as the Lord Mayor of Cork as well as members of the Republican forces. The Commission also conducted investigations into the conduct of the auxiliary forces, Black and Tans, Royal Irish Constabulary and well as the regular armed forces. The Commission's Interim Report is replete with many fascinating photographs on all aspects of the conflict.
Fully indexed, this republication on the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland provides wonderful first-hand eyewitness testimony on the Irish War of Independence and is a must for anyone interested in this turbulent period of Irish history.
This publication is a collection of the evidences used in "The Interim Report for the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland" 1921, and contains the oral and written testimonies from witnesses in Ireland dating from the end of 1920 and beginning of 1921. The evidence collected by Commission was eventually presented to its parent body, the American Committee of 150 on Ireland, which was published under the title Evidence on Conditions in Ireland.
Like later commissions on Northern Ireland, the intention of the America Commission was stated to be the impartial account of the atrocities committed in Ireland by both sides during the War of Independence and it was hoped that by so dealing the situation in Ireland could be better understood and a healing process could begin. However, as the Commission pointed out, the eventual interim report was highly Republican in its eventual tenure. The Commission did not hesitate in pointing out that this was through no fault of its own, as all levels of both sides of the conflict had been requested to take part in the Commission's inquiry. The initial signs from the British Government had been encouraging. However, it quickly became apparent that at best the British Government would benignly not interfere in the process by not disallowing Irish witnesses visas and passports to travel to America to give their testimony. As the process of inquiry got under way, witnesses sympathetic to the the cause of Irish independence were denied permission to travel and faced other forms of duress to prevent their testimony.
Published in May 1921, Evidence on Conditions in Ireland, Comprising the Complete Testimony, Affidavits, and Exhibits Presented Before the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland, Transcribed an annotated by Albert Coyle, Official Reporter to the Commission, represents the oral and written testimonies of Irish, American and British witnesses before the Commission and as such is the published account of the complete evidence submitted to the American Commission on Conditions in Ireland.
Containing some 1120 and printed pages and republished here in fully-searchable digital format, the resultant publication of the Commission's finding were, in its own words 'the complete testimony of all witnesses who appeared before the Commission, as well as all sworn affidavits and other important documents submitted in evidence' and were published 'without colour or comment' so that the public could judge for itself what events were truly happening in Ireland. Session 1 of the first hearing took place on 18th November 1920 and involved the oral testimony given to the Committee by Denis Morgan, the Chairman of the Thurles Urban District Council. The final session, session 6 was concluded on 21st January 1921 by evidence given to the Commission by Miss Caroline Townsend, an officer of the Gaelic League at Bandon, Co. Cork. Forty-one witnesses in total gave verbal evidence to the Commission.
This publication represents a monumental account of the Irish War of Independence from a multitude of eyewitness accounts and is probably the best single source of published material on the subject available.
Alexander Thom & Co., almost exclusively know for their 'Dublin City & County Directories', made a brief venture into biographical notices. This was Thom's first edition of their 'Irish Who's Who', which was published in 1923, only two brief years after the creation of the Irish Free State and barely a year after the cessation of Civil War in Ireland.
This edition containing some 280 printed pages and the 'life sketches' of more than 2,500 Irish men and women, who whether residing in Ireland or overseas, were in the words of the publishers 'conspicuous in the Nation's History, and includes leaders of thought and action in all fields of enlightenment and civilization'. In the publishers opinion the notices contained in the first 'Irish Who's Who' would appeal most immediately to the 'Statesman, the Man of Letters, the Clergyman, the Artist, the Journalist, the Lawyer, the Scientist, and last but in many respects first, the Man of Commerce'. While Thom's may have hoped that the latter class would purchase this publication in their droves only a handful of the so-called 'men of commerce' made their way into the Who's Who of Ireland.
This fully-searchable copy of the first edition of Thom's Irish Who's Who was formerly the possession of T. P. Gill and includes a monographed letter from Gill dated 16th October 1930, at which time this book must have still been owned by him. Gill was himself included in publication and his entry is indicative of the type of biographical material provided: Thomas Patrick Gill, Secretary of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland; Commissioner for Intermediate Education, Senator of the National University of Ireland, 1910-14; Born Ballygraigue, Nenagh, Co. Tipperary, 25th October 1858, the son of Robert Gill, a civil engineer. Educated Trinity College, Dublin. Editor of the Catholic World Magazine of New York, associate editor of the North American Review and Member of Parliament for South Louth, 1885-92, and numerous other accreditations are also given.
Published two years after independence and the year after the end of the Civil War in Ireland, unsurprisingly this Irish Who's Who does not always follow the conventions for publications of this type, namely the person noticed has to be living at the time of publication. A number of politicians and individuals essential in bringing the Irish state into being are noticed, for example Michael Collins, who was assassinated in 1922 and dead prior to the publication going to press, Eamon De Valera and William Cosgrave to name but a few. From the literary world, the like of Francis Robert Millington Synge and William Butler Yeats are noticed, but as yet a giant of Irish literature, James Joyce, was not sufficiently successful to be included in the publication.
For anyone interested in Irish History or biography, this first and unique edition of 'Thom's Irish Who's Who', republished here in fully-searchable digital format, is an essential acquisition.
Originally published in London in 1919 by Collins & Sons and the first edition of G. K. Chesterton's Irish Impressions is republished here in fully-searchable format.
Born in Campden Hill, Kensington in 1874, Chesterton was educated at St. Paul's School, Slade School of Art and University College, London, but failed to complete a degree at either college. He begun work with the London publishers Redway Fisher Unwin, before taking up his first journalistic work as a freelance art and literary critic. In 1902 he was given a weekly column with the Daily News and in 1905 with The Illustrated London News, for which he continued to write until his death. A novelist - his best remembered are perhaps The Man who Would be Thursday and the Father Brown detective stories - debater, wit and commentator, Chesterton was fascinated in his early life the occult, but in later life drifted towards orthodox Christianity. This culminated in his conversion to Roman Catholicism in 1922 an event that took place shortly after his visit to Ireland in 1918 and publication of Irish Impressions the following year.
Chesterton's visit to Ireland in early 1918 resulted in this unique, readable, and thought-provoking book on Ireland. Written at a defining moment in Irish history, Irish Impressions looks at the 'Irish Question' not from a political stance, but from an ideological, philosophical and religious standpoint. Irish Impressions exhibits many familiar Chestertonian themes such as distribution of property, industrialism, faith and society all of which are discussed under the backdrop of Ireland's struggle for cultural and political nationalism. Chesterton, never one to mince his words, was both a Roman Catholic and a lover of English nationalism, who shared many of the sentiments of Irish nationalists.
Chesterton's own sometimes contradictory beliefs and views pervade Irish Impressions; these contradictions always lie at the centre of Chesterton's works and this detour into Ireland is no exception and one could walk away after reading Irish Impressions that both the English and the Irish were right and wrong, both positions had their strengths and their weaknesses and in a sense this was the beauty of much of Chesterton's works: they ask more questions of reader than they provide answers. A short book, these themes are readily identifiable in the chapter headings of Irish Impressions, which include the Root of Reality, the Family Feud, the Mistake of England and the Mistake of Ireland.
For a brilliant analysis and understanding of Ireland and the cusp of breaking her political ties with England, there is no better read than G. K. Chesterton's Irish Impressions.
Originally published in London in 1912 and republished here, The Land War in Ireland: Being a Personal Narrative of Events, was considered by the author, Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (1840-1922), as the fourth volume of his Memoirs, the first three of the series being his 'Egyptian Memoirs'.
Wilfrid Scarwn Blunt served in the British Diplomatic Service from 1858 until 1869, when he retired to marry Lady Anne Noel, the daughter of the Earl of Lovelace and granddaughter of Lord Byron. The Blunts embarked together on a series of travels through Spain, Algeria, Egypt and the Syrian desert and purchased a house named Sheykh Obeyd outside of Cairo as well as establishing a successful horse stud named the Crabbett Arabian Stud from which they bred pure-blooded Arabian horses.
During his travels throughout the Arab world Blunt became an ardent sympathiser with Muslim aspirations and in 1882 championed the cause of Urabi Pasha, which he wrote about in The Future of Islam (1882). Philosophically Blunt opposed colonialism and British Imperialism, which was born out after two trips to India, after which he wrote Ideas About India (1885). An opponent of British policy in Sudan and supporter of the National Party in Egypt, Blunt arrived in Ireland in the Spring of 1886 just as the clamour for Land Reform in Ireland became a dominant theme in Irish and British politics, accompanied by his belief in self-government for nations under the colonial yolk
Never one to sit on the sidelines, Blunt became an active participant in the Land War in Ireland and was also somewhat of a privileged observer, as his diary entries record him dining with amongst others Arthur Balfour, Michael Davitt, Charles Stewart Parnell, William O'Brien, John Dillon and William Gladstone. Throughout the Spring of 1886 until the Summer of 1888 Blunt kept copious notes in his diary about his experiences and observations of the Land War in Ireland as it impacted on the daily lives of the small cottiers of Gweedore, Co. Donegal as well as the strong farmers throughout the midlands. Horrified by the countless murders and reprisals and intrigued by the involvement of the clergy - Blunt was a Catholic, but later renounced affiliation to any religion - Blunt also observed the machinations of the Land War through high politics as Gladstone introduced the first Home Rule Bill to Parliament.
With the permission of William O'Brien and John Dillon, on October 23rd 1887 Blunt intended to hold a Home Rule rally at Woodford, Co. Galway. Although the meeting was proclaimed as illegal, Blunt ignored the proclamation and was duly arrested and charged with resisting arrest and served two-months imprisonment in Loughrea and Kilmainham jails. His experiences of these events and his time in jail and wonderfully expressed both in prose and poetry, for which he was renowned. For anyone interested in the three years of the Land War in Ireland, beginning with the introduction of the first Home Rule Bill and concluding with the divorce trial of Charles Stewart Parnell, 500 or so pages of The Land War in Ireland, written by a sympathetic participant of events is to be heartily recommended.
Republished here on fully-searchable CD-Rom is Some Notes of an Irish Exile of 1798: Being the Chapters from the Memoirs of Miles Byrne Relating to Ireland published in Dublin by Maunsel & Co., in 1907. This publication was taken from Byrne's complete memories, which had been edited by Byrne's wife and published in Paris in three volumes the year after his death in 1863. In 301 printed pages Some Notes of an Irish Exile of 1798 treat on Byrne's involvement as as a leader of the United Irishmen during some of the bloodiest fighting of the Rising in Wicklow and Wexford, through to his encounters with Robert Emmet at the end of the Rebellion.
Miles Byrne was born at Ballylusk, Monaseed, Co. Wexford in 1780 and like many of the leaders of the United Irishmen in 1798 was extremely young - Byrne himself had turned just eighteen and had already been involved in preparations for the Rising with Anthony Perry of Inch, the chief organiser in the area. Byrne participated in all of the major battles of the 1798 Rising in counties Wicklow and Wexford, including those at Oulart, Clough, Vinegar Hill, Enniscorthy, Arklow and the last battle in County Wexford, at Ballygullen in 4th July 1798. All of these battles are vividly portrayed in his Memoirs as are the brief respites between the battles where he passes his eye and pen over the carnage wrought throughout the countryside by both sides during the campaign.
After the failure of the Rising Byrne went on the run in the Wicklow mountains were he joined up with Michael Dwyer and Robert Hold and continued a guerilla campaign and later worked as a clerk and in his half-brother's timber yard as a foreman. It was during this period that Byrne met Robert Emmet and organised and commanded a group of Wexford men that were to participate in Emmet's abortive Rising of 1803. Byrne fled to Paris before Emmet's arrest and joined-up with Emmet's brother, Thomas Addis Emmet.
When the Irish Legion was formed by Napoleon he joined with the rank of Sous-Lieutenant; later he was promoted to Lieutenant and later to the rank of Captain of the Grenadiers. He fought in the Napoleonic campaign (1804 - 1815) in France, Spain and Greece and was eventually retired after thirty-years service and seventeen campaigns with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel when the British Government forced the dismissal of the officers of the Irish Legion on half pay and disbanded the Legion. He received the Cross of Officer of Legion of Honour from Louis Phillipe in 1832. After his retirement Byrne began to write his Memoirs and held court to the many Irish nationalists that came to Paris, some exclusively to meet the old warrior. Amongst these was a visit in 1860 by John Mitchel, who famously described Byrne as 'one of those rare beings who never grow old'.
For the battles and areas covered, Byrne's Memoires are recognised as one of the most authoritative accounts of the 1798 Rising and a must read for anyone interested in accounts of the 1798 Rising in general and more especially the campaigns in Wicklow and Wexford.
First published in 1852, this edition of John Savage's '98 and '48: The Modern Revolutionary History & Literature of Ireland was published in New York in 1882 and contains an appendix and index. John Savage dedicated '98 & '48 to his father who he described as a son of a United Irishman of '98 who was exiled from Ireland after the misfortunes of '98.
Containing some 370 pages '98 and '48 is an account of two of Ireland's more recent attempts to throw off British dominion, namely the 1798 Rebellion of the United Irishmen and the 1848 Rising of John Mitchell and the Young Irelanders. Although both ultimately ended in failure they were to provide proof positive to later generations of Irish nationalists that only by blood sacrifice would Ireland every be free and it was to this blood sacrifice that Patrick Pearse and the Easter Rebels of 1916 looked for their place in history and the freedom of Ireland.
Savage's '98 & '48 begins with an introduction on what would now be called 'nationalist theory' in the guise of two dominant but very different figures connected to the Rebellion of 1798, namely the armed revolutionary: Wolfe Tone and the constitutional revolutionary: Henry Grattan as a prelude to armed Rebellion in 1797. '98 & '48 continues with a description of some of the conflict in 1798 and is dominated in Savage's narrative by the bloody events in Wexford, which is followed by a biographical analysis of the political careers and in most cases the bloody deaths of some of the leading figures of 1708 Rebellion and after. The following chapter on the life and career of Baron Plunkett is used by Savage to connect this half of his 'history' with the second.
The second part of '98 & '48 is given over to the rising of 1848 and Savage once again uses the tool of constitutional and revolutionary nationalist figures, this time Daniel O'Connell and John Mitchell and the Young Ireland Movement, in order to not so subtly illustrate that only by force could Ireland expect to gain her political freedom. '98 & '48 concludes with a chapter on the life a career of one of the lessor-known physical force members of Young Ireland, namely Thomas Devin Reilly.
Although somewhat dated and a little one-sided at times, this CD-Rom republication of John Savage's '98 & '48 should appeal to anyone interested in the causes, consequences main events and leading figures in Ireland's Rebellions of 1798 and 1848.
First published in 1880, this, the 'People's Edition' of Young Ireland: A Fragment of Irish History, 1840-1845 was published in Dublin in 1884. Written in Australia by Sir Charles Gavan Duffy, A Fragment of Irish History was Duffy's first, and even though he apologised for its length, by far his shortest attempt to record the political events of the period 1840 to 1845 in which he was a prominent player and main apologist and followed-up this publication with Four Years of Irish History, 1845-1849 and his monumental autobiography: My Life in Two Hemispheres.
Born in Monaghan, Duffy was educated in Belfast and was like many of his political associates, a qualified barrister; but it is as a journalist and co-founder of The Nation with Thomas Davis and John Blake Dillon that Duffy is best-remembered in Ireland. Founded in 1842, The Nation was the mouth-piece of the Young Ireland Movement to which Duffy pays tribute in a Fragment of Ireland History. Duffy's account of this monumental period in Irish history, which Patrick Pearse looked-upon as the dawn of Irish freedom and Douglas Hyde and even W. B. Yeats as the rebirth of Irish culture and nationality, opens with the central character and theme of this book: Daniel O'Connell and the Repeal of the Act of Union; while it is true that Duffy could best be described as as a constitutional nationalist at the time of writing he has been Premier of Victoria, Australia, his Fragment of Irish History is a homage to friends past and present, such as Thomas Davis, who had become alienated from O'Connellite Politics. Indeed, it was O'Connell who dubbed Duffy, Davis and others as 'Young Ireland' preferring to associate and label himself as 'Old Ireland'.
In just over 300 pages A Fragment of Irish History records O'Connell's attempt and eventual failure to Repeal the Act of Union and ends with the death of Duffy's closest friend and political ally, Thomas Davis. However, A Fragment of Irish History ends before political strife between Young and Old Ireland broke-out into open hostility leading to the belief amongst some, including the likes of John Mitchell and William Smith O'Brien, that only through physical violence could Ireland take its freedom, a right that would never be granted willingly by the British Parliament. In this sense, A Fragment of Irish History is a prelude to Duffy's later publications, which considering the abject failure of their cause and the personal antagonisms that later developed amongst the surviving members of the Young Ireland Movement, he found it more difficult to portray subjectively.
For those interested in the politics of Irish History, especially that of the mid-nineteenth century, there are few better starting points that Charles Gavan Duffy's A Fragment of Irish History, written not only by an observer, but by an active and intelligent participant in all the events he recounts. Republished here in fully-searchable electronic format, the People's Edition of A Fragment of Irish History is a must for anyone interested in Irish History.
Published in Dublin in 1854 by James Duffy, printer and publisher of the works the emanated from the Young Irelanders, this second edition of Daniel Owen Madden's collection of the The Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry Grattan include Grattan's 'letter on the Union' in addition to a useful 'Memoir of Henry Grattan'. Republished here in fully-searchable electronic format and containing some 470 pages, the speeches of Henry Grattan have entered into the pantheon of Irish history standing for freedom and the right to self rule and many have been quoted and even plagiarised by Irish nationalists, not least the Young Ireland Movement of the 1840s, of who Daniel Owen Madden was associated.
Henry Grattan was born on Dublin in 1746 to eminent parents: his father James was Chief Recorder for Dublin and the father of his mother Mary Marlay was Chief Justice of Ireland. Grattan was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, a distinguished scholar he was in 1772 called to the Irish Bar. Grattan never seriously practised law, but was rather drawn into politics and entered Parliament under the sponsorship of Lord Charlemont in 1775, quickly becoming leader of the national party in the Irish parliament. As leader of the national party and later the Patriot Movement the Irish House of Commons was, in 1782, granted its legislative freedom from Britain to which Grattan said:
"I watched over her with a paternal solicitude; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, and from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift, spirit of Molyneux, your genius has prevailed! Ireland is now a nation!" The British House of Commons confirmed Ireland's political independence in 1783 with the following infamous words: "Be it enacted that the right claimed by the people of Ireland to be bound only by laws enacted by his Majesty and the Parliament of that kingdom, in all cases whatever shall be, and is hereby declared to be established and ascertained for ever, and shall at no time be questioned or questionable." The decade and a half that followed has become known as 'Grattan's Parliament', where Grattan sought to pass mild legislative reform through the Irish Parliament, but was stymied at every turn by the Irish executive that were still appointed from England.
The outbreak of the French Revolution and the refusal of the British Government to contemplate Catholic Emancipation meant that by 1797 sections of Ireland were being driven towards revolution themselves and even Grattan's mild proposals were rejected out of hand by Britain forcing Grattan to retire from parliament and attack the government in his some would say treasonable Letter to the citizens of Dublin. There followed the 1798 Rebellion in Ireland and the inevitable Act of Union with Britain. Grattan remained out of politics until 1805, but sat as an MP for Malton from then until his death in 1820.
The Speeches of the Right Honourable Henry Grattan include some of the most famous oratory from probably the greatest Irish political orator, the majority of which concern Irish freedoms: religious, political and economic and it is for these reasons that despite Grattan's belief that only an Anglo-Irish Ascendancy, be it Catholic or Protestant, had a right to govern Ireland he and his speeches have been viewed as the prelude to Irish independence.
This edition of the Felon's Track, the most notable achievement by the lawyer, writer and erstwhile Irish revolutionary, Michael Doheny, was published in Dublin in 1916 and includes an account of the abortive rebellion in Ireland in 1848 by another of its participants, Thomas D'Arcy Magee.
Subtitled "History of the Attempted Outbreak in Ireland, Embracing the Leading Events in the Irish Struggle from the year 1843 to the Close of 1848", the Felon's Track recalls Donheny's part in the events that led up to the abortive Rebellion in Ireland in 1848 and his escape to America, where he wrote and published his account in 1849. Doheny was born at Brookhill near Fethard, Co. Tipperary in 1805, the third son a farmer, Michael. By a series of fortunate events and intelligence, Doheny found himself in Dublin at the start of 1843 and the beginning of Daniel O'Connell's second great campaign: Repeal of the Act of Union. It is at this point that Doheny begins his narrative in the Felon's Track. Although not ranked as one of the shining stars of the Young Ireland Movement, such as Thomas Davis, John Mitchel, Charles Gavan Duffy and the like, Doheny was numbered amongst their intimate circle and as such his account of the events that led up to 1848 have as much import as, for example, John Mitchel's Jail Journal.
The Felon's Track records Doheny's involvement in the Young Ireland Movement and his eventual disillusionment with O'Connell's political campaign for Repeal of the Act of Union, which led him and others to break away from O'Connellite politics. Doheny became one of the founders of the Irish Confederacy, which by the end of 1847 had moved to the believe that Ireland would have to take its freedom from Britain rather than wait to be granted this right. The Felon's Track eloquently recalls Doheny and his colleague's excitement during the revolutionary year of 1848 as well as his reticence at taking up arms in Ireland. Perhaps the most compelling passages of the Felon's Track detail Doheny's escape from the authorities after the siege at Ballingarry and his period on the run with James Stephens. Neither Stephens nor Doheny were captured and Doheny arrived in the United States at the beginning of 1849 and immediately began setting down his narrative that was published as the Felon's Track in the same year.
In addition to a the personal narrative provided by Michael Doheny in the Felon's Track, the biographical account of the events leading up to the rising of 1848 includes a number of interesting appendices, one of which is entitled 'descriptions of persons charges with treasonable practices', and is biographical sketches on all of the leading personalities involved in 1848. The Felon's Track is fully-indexed and includes numerous portraits of the 1848 Revolutionaries.
Republished here in fully-searchable electronic format, the Felon's Track provides a vivid account of one episode on Ireland's struggle for freedom and is a must for anyone interested in Irish history.
Described as 'a classic of Irish revolutionary writing', John Mitchel's Jail Journal was first published in the New York Citizen, the journal established by Mitchel on his arrival in America, between 14th January and 19th August 1854. A subsequent edition of the Jail Journal was published in which Mitchel detailed his experiences in the United States between 1853 and 1866, the current electronic publication contains both. Throughout, the Jail Journal is replete with Mitchel's acerbic wit and anecdote detailing his prison experiences, transportation for Treason Felony and later reminiscences on his erstwhile colleagues. This edition of the Jail Journal is a must for any reader interested in the personalities of the Young Ireland Movement and the 1848 Rising and its aftermath.
Below you will find relevant Eneclann CD-ROMs, which we also supply. Eneclann is a partner in the Archive CD Books Ireland Project, and their CDs are essential resources for genealogists and historians alike.
Eneclann presents a first time publication of the Dublin Castle intelligence files on individual Sinn Fein and Republican suspects between 1899 and 1921. Also known as the personalities files, these RIC Special Branch files contain secret intelligence on over 440 individual suspects who were under surveillance, including Eamon de Valera, Michael Collins, James Connolly, Roger Casement as well as many ordinary individuals.
A fascinating insight into the manner and motives of the British administration during this period which covers Home Rule agitation, the outbreak of World War I, the 1916 Rising and the War of Independence. The series runs from 1899 right through to the Treaty in 1921 and is an essential source for any detailed examination of the period.
The originals of this series are held in the National Archives in Kew where they are kept under Colonial Office Record Class CO 904; in this publication we have reproduced the microfilm version of boxes 193-216, which runs to over 19,000 pages. The originals were released in 1997 under the 70-year rule.
The publication contains an in depth introduction by Dr Fearghal McGarry, Queens University Belfast.
The 1798 Rebellion was a watershed in Irish history. It has been estimated that up to 30,000 people were killed during the uprising, with many more wounded. This CD brings together some of the few remaining primary sources about the people involved in this conflict. It contains two lists of individuals who made claims for compensation for loss of property during the rising, and also two lists of rebels who surrendered in Dublin City and Coolock Barony.
In total there are over 8,000 names included in this publication covering two different groups those who took up arms and those whose property was damaged. These groups come from every social background, from poor Dublin city labourers and artisans to the aristocratic ascendancy of late eighteenth century Ireland.
This CD records details about:
* 1,218 people who surrendered in Coolock barony.
* 1,057 people who surrendered in Dublin City.
* 6,165 people who made a claim for losses.
These claimants came from the following counties:
Kings (Offaly) 29
Queens (Laois) 42
Wicklow 1,033 System Requirements
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